Wednesday, October 31, 2007
Monday, October 29, 2007
恐怖份子與邪惡軸心
US looks to Europe to sanction Iran
Washington's
latest sanctions on Iran up the pressure on America's European allies
to follow suit and tighten the screws on the Islamic state or see it
attacked, analysts say.
"The principal intention of the announcement was to send a signal as
much to the Europeans, the Chinese and the Russians, as well as to the
Iranians," said Karim Sadjapour, an Iran expert at the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace, a Washington-based think-tank.
US efforts to get tougher on Iran are frustrated by China and
Russia's reluctance. But Sadjapour said the new sanctions sent a
message to the Europeans that if they do not support the US stance,
they heighten the risk of the United States taking military action.
"China and Russia are more concerned about the prospect of the US bombing Iran than of Iran getting a nuclear bomb," he added.
Iran is accused of enriching uranium in order to make fuel for a
nuclear bomb. It insists its uranium activities are aimed solely at
generating power for civilian purposes.
The fresh sanctions announced by Washington on Thursday target the
Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, accused of spreading weapons of mass
destruction, and its elite Quds Force, which was designated as a
supporter of terrorism.
The United States also stepped up efforts to squeeze Iran out of
global banking, blacklisting three Iranian state-owned banks, along
with companies controlled by the guards, and the logistics arm of
Iran's defense ministry.
The six major powers involved in talks about Iran's nuclear program
will meet in Europe in early November to discuss strengthened UN
sanctions against Tehran, US State Department spokesman Sean McCormack
announced Friday.
As well as the United States, these powers include Russia, China, Britain, France and Germany.
The European Union is meanwhile mulling its own possible sanctions,
called for by France with British support. But Germany and Italy -- key
trading partners of Iran -- are reluctant to back them.
The EU measures would step up pressure on Tehran without having to
overcome the unwillingness of China and Russia, heavyweight diplomatic
players and also major trading partners with Iran, to back a third UN
sanctions resolution.
"We talk to them (the Europeans). I wouldn't put it in the vein of pressuring them," McCormack said Friday.
"We have talked to them about how working either together or in a
complementary fashion, we might increase the pressure on the Iranian
government to come to the table," he added.
"Certainly, that could have a very powerful effect."
Before the sanctions were announced, another expert said the United States needed the EU to apply more sanctions.
"The United States has not significantly traded with or invested in
Iran for nearly 30 years," said Philip Gordon of the Brookings
Institution, a research institute in Washington.
"It is only by persuading other major countries not to do so that it
stands any chance of convincing Iran that the economic and diplomatic
costs of developing nuclear weapons are greater than the perceived
benefits."
"The Europeans have already taken significant steps in this
direction, but there is much more they could do," for example canceling
credit bonds, which were worth 18 billion dollars in 2005, he added.
"There is of course no guarantee that escalating political and
economic sanctions will succeed in changing Iranian behavior or
contribute to a change in the Iranian regime," Gordon said.
"But given the alternatives -- acquiescing to Iranian nuclear
capabilities or a military strike that could prove costly and
counterproductive -- it makes sense to find out
法新社, Sunday October 28, 2007
表現與執著
我們介意別人怎麼看我們,因為我們還未對自己建立足夠的信心。 ─ 黎智英許久沒寫職場文章,因為這方面的題材,與其由思哲班門弄斧,大家倒不如移玉步到博客《人在中環》,博主CK乃真正的中環老闆,他的文章才最值得打工仔參考。
思哲今天想要分享的,是自己工作生涯的一點心得。想當初,剛踏足社會,最初的兩份工,收入雖然微薄,但畢竟是自己喜歡的職業,自然是全情投入,日夜搏殺,時刻想要爭取更好的表現。
那時候的我,因為太在意自己的表現,工作雖充實卻不享受。我要跟對手公司鬥銷量、跟合作公司併效率、跟其他部門鬥賺錢、跟同事們鬥工作表現,每一天就像跟時間鬥快一樣。
我把工作表現視為一切,但結果事與願違。我不是表現最好的人,專責開發的產品,銷情也不見怎樣。最弊的是,自己的能力彷彿停滯在某個水平,再沒有寸進。
後來我才發現,原來我將所有注意力放在表現上,而不是專心做好工作。若一切不以自己為中心,不要太在意別人的看法,工作節奏便馬上輕快起來,我們也會有接受和包容別人意見的虛懷。剛好相反,時刻想爭取表現的人,是很大機會把自己絆倒的。
以上的想法,若套用於產品開發,或許就是Google凡事以User Experience放在首位的原則;套用於藝術表演,或許就是大歌星上台獻唱,以表達歌曲意境為先,進入渾然忘我的境界;套用於財經專欄,或許就是誠實表述自己的想法,不計算寫甚麼去保住自己名聲。
老闆黎智英在某篇《事實與偏見》寫道:「我們介意別人怎麼看我們,因為我們還未對自己建立足夠的信心。所謂形象,其實便是對別人眼光有所恐懼而作出的條件反射。」
思哲現在時刻自我警惕,我不是要超越別人,而是要超越自己。我要想有最佳表現,就得先放開對表現的執著。
尹思哲, 2007年10月30日刊於《蘋果日報》
仍當伊斯蘭奸 批英反恐不力
沙烏地阿拉伯國王阿卜杜拉指責英國在對付國際恐怖主義方面做得太少。
阿卜杜拉國王是20年來訪問英國的首位沙特首腦。
沙烏地阿拉伯一直是英國在海灣地區最為密切的盟友之一,英國去年向沙特的出口貿易額超過70億美元。
阿卜杜拉國王這次訪問預計還將向倫敦訂購巨額的颶風戰機,並討論雙方在體育、教育等方面的合作。
但阿卜杜拉國王在訪英前夕接受BBC採訪時批評說,包括英國在內的大多數國家都沒有在反恐戰爭中作出足夠的努力。
他再次批評英國沒有對沙特提供的情報採取行動,導致倫敦在2005年7月遭受炸彈襲擊,造成50多人死亡。
阿卜杜拉表示,大多數國家對反恐問題缺乏足夠的重視,不幸的是這其中也包括英國。
他說,"我們曾在倫敦恐怖攻擊事件發生之前向英國提供了有關情報,如果英國採取了措施,那次悲劇有可能不會發生。"
但英國政府官員多次否認此事。
BBC記者說,沙特國王的話反映了兩國在反恐方面的相互不滿,但沙特與西方國家之間在安全合作上關係還是更緊密。
在英國的一些批評者準備在阿卜杜拉訪英期間舉行示威,抗議沙特在人權和腐敗方面的記錄。
沙特一直認為西方國家對有關恐怖活動的威脅重視不夠,並批評英國政府對於居住在英國國內的伊斯蘭極端分子過於寬容。
但許多西方反恐官員認為,具有諷刺意味的是,正是由於沙特政府對伊斯蘭原教旨主義派別瓦哈比伊斯蘭的贊助,恐怖活動才得以不斷蔓延。
此外,利雅得也沒有切斷它和那些支援全球極端組織的沙特富豪之間的聯繫。
但西方國家同時意識到,儘管如此,他們仍然不能缺少這個中東盟友,雙方之間近年來在安全問題上的合作日益密切。
阿卜杜拉國王抵英後將首先出席英國女王在白金漢宮為他安排的國宴,並於週三會見英國政界領導人,雙方將討論進一步的經貿合作以及伊拉克和伊朗問題。
BBC CHINESE.com, http://news.bbc.co.uk/chinese/simp/hi/newsid_7060000/newsid_7067200/7067234.stm
Sunday, October 28, 2007
Saturday, October 27, 2007
Friday, October 26, 2007
嫦娥
Thursday, October 25, 2007
China's Olympic Opportunity
By MARTIN LEE
October 17, 2007; Page A18
When President George W. Bush accepted President Hu Jintao's invitation to attend the 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing, Mr. Bush's press secretary said that he was going to the Games as "a sports fan, not to make any political statement." I too am a great sports fan -- especially of the Soccer World Cup -- but I would encourage President Bush to take a broader vision of the possibilities for the Beijing Games. He should use the next 10 months to press for a significant improvement of basic human rights in my country, including press, assembly and religious freedoms.
This should be possible, since Chinese leaders have promised to make these improvements anyway. In their pledges to the International Olympic Committee while bidding for the Games and since, China's leaders at all levels repeatedly assured the world that they would use the Games to go beyond improving the country's physical infrastructure.
"By applying for the Olympics, we want to promote not just the city's development, but the development of society, including democracy and human rights," one of China's key Olympic figures, Deputy Mayor Liu Jingmin, told the Washington Post in 2001. Then, Mr. Liu said, "If people have a target like the Olympics to strive for, it will help us establish a more just and harmonious society, a more democratic society, and help integrate China into the world."
I couldn't agree more. But instead of the hoped-for reforms, the Chinese government appears to be backsliding on its promises, including in Hong Kong where we have near total political paralysis, not the promised road to full democracy. That is no reason to give up on the prospects for reform in China. But it is reason to step up the direct engagement on these pressing issues.
In accepting the invitation to attend China's Games, President Bush said this would be "a moment where China's leaders can use the opportunity to show confidence by demonstrating a commitment to greater openness and tolerance." Instead of a "moment" of change, China needs structural and long-term reforms: placing the Communist Party under the rule of law, unshackling the media and Internet, allowing religious adherents to freely practice their faiths, ceasing harassment of civil-society groups that work on AIDS and the environment, and addressing modest calls for accountability in the political system. Mr. Bush and other world leaders planning to attend the Olympics should not wait for the opening ceremony, but must start now with sustained efforts to achieve this agenda.
One reason for optimism about the possibilities for progress in China is recent Olympic history. When South Korea bid for the 1988 Games, the country was a military dictatorship. Due in good part to the prospects for embarrassment and international engagement, the Olympics helped kick off an overdue peaceful political transformation in South Korea just six months before the launch of the Seoul Games. Since then, South Korea has endured as one of Asia's most stable and vital democracies. The parallels between South Korea and China are not exact, but the lesson is that the Olympics certainly present an opening to raise these issues in the context of the Chinese government's own promises.
In the U.S. and elsewhere, there are campaigns to boycott the Beijing Games over the Chinese government's trade with and support for regimes in Sudan and Burma. As a Chinese person, I would encourage backers of these efforts to consider the positive effects Olympic exposure could still have in China, including scrutiny by the world's journalists. This is certainly the time for Chinese leaders to step up and constructively use their clout in Asia and Africa. In so doing, Beijing should open a new chapter of responsible foreign policy and convince the world it is not oblivious to these issues.
Chinese people around the world are proud that China will host the Games. China has the world's fastest growing economy, and may indeed put on history's most impressive Olympic Games next August. But how does it profit our nation if it wins gold medals but suffers from the continued absence of democracy, human rights and the rule of law?
It is my hope that the Games could have a catalytic effect on the domestic and foreign policies of the Chinese government, and that the Chinese people will remember the Games long after they are held -- not merely for medals won, but also because they were a turning point for human rights and the rule of law in China. That would be something worth cheering.
Mr. Lee is a democratically elected legislator and the founding chairman of Hong Kong's Democratic Party.
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